The Coolidge program : capitalist democracy & prosperity exposed

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Workers'
library

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CapHalirt

Democracy

& Prosperity

Exposed

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Ja\j love^bne

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ISSUED IN NOVEMBER

Workers Library No. 1
THE TENTH YEAR —
The Rise and Achievements
of Soviet Russia (1917-1927)
By J. Louis Engdahl
1.5 Cents

An Acknowledgement With Thanks

npHE series of publications of which this pamph-
let is the second has been made possible thru a
fund contributed by a number of comrades and
sympathizers. Acknowledgement is due to Com-
rades Bertha and Samuel Rubin, J. Barry, Dr. B.,
A. T. and others for generous contributions.

First Edition December 5, 1927
New York, N. Y.

COMPOSED AND PRINTED BY UNION LABOR

Ubmy

University of Texas
AUStin, Texas

The Coolidge Program

Capitalist Democracy and Prosperity Exposed
By Jay Lovestone

HPHE coming presidential election has a rather early open-
ing. The high hats of the big business men have already
been thrown into the ring. Their opening gun has been fired.

President Coolidge has opened the 1928 campaign for the
biggest capitalist interests in his speech before the Union
League Club of Philadelphia. Thru President Coolidge big
business has given out its platform.

The most appropriate place for the opening of the Repub-
lican campaign is Pennsylvania. The Keystone state is the
home of the biggest and most aggressive capitalist group in
the country. In the Keystone state we also have today the
mightiest and most heroic resistance by scores of thousands of
workers to capitalist exploitation and oppression. Just now
there is also a growing division within the ranks of the
Republican Party in the state of Pennsylvania, particularly
in the city of Philadelphia. Coolidge's prestige might go a
long way towards healing the wounds in the organization and
preventing severe losses to the Republican machine in the
coming election.

A MOST SIGNIFICANT ADDRESS

Speeches delivered before the Union League Club of Phila-
delphia are not mere loose talks of second rate capitalist poli-
ticians. First of all, every Republican president since Lincoln,
down or up, with the exception of President Harding, who
died before he had his chance, spoke before this club. Sec-
ondly, the membership roster of this club is just one galaxy
■ of American bourgeoisdom. Among the notables who greeted
' Coolidge's arrival and welcomed him in Philadelphia, were
^Governor Fisher of Pennsylvania, Vice-President of one of
"~ the worst scab coal corporations, now evicting and imprisoning

[ 3 ]

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4 THE COOLIDGE PROGRAM

miners; W. W. Atterbmy, President of the Pennsylvania
Railway Company, one of the most notorious labor-hating
corporations in the country, now directing the persecution of
thousands of coal miners; ex-Governor Sproul of Pennsyl-
vania, infamous for his strike-breaking activities in the 1922
coal strike; Daniel Willard, President of the Baltimore and
Ohio Railroad and author of the union-smashing B. & O.
Plan.

Stripped of all its hackneyed verbiage and all its vainglori-
ous boasting about the zenith of American power, and the
glories of American democracy and capitalist individualism in
the United States, the speech delivered by Coolidge was plainly
and frankly the program of American imperialism. In this
speech Coolidge not only told the world about the blessings
of American democracy, but of the determination by the
leading party of the ruling class in this country to fight
against any attempt to encroach upon American imperialist
supremacy. Mr. Coolidge hurled a defiant challenge to Com-
munism. In fact, the speech of President Coolidge was a
speech limited to making a brief for capitalism and a tirade
against Communism.

Let us examine the President's speech in its salient features
in the light of the objective conditions prevailing in the coun-
try.

THE COOLIDGE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF SOCIAL RELATIONS

The Chief Executive of the capitalist class in this country
laid down a theoretical basis for class relations in America
when he declared:

"We have always held very strongly to the theory that in our coun-
try at least, more could be accomplished for human welfare thru the
encouragement of private initiative than thru Government action. We
have sought to establish a system under which the people will control
the Government and not the Government control the people. If
economic freedom vanishes, political freedom becomes nothing but a
shadow."

Unfortunately there is too much truth in what the Presi-
dent has said. There is only one hitch to this truth. What
the President has said has been very true only for a small sec-

■ %

THE COOLIDGE PROGRAM 5

tion of the population, only for the ruling class of this country.
If the Fishers, the Sprouls, the Atterburys, and the Willards
are the people of this country, then certainly the people control
the government and not the government the people. If one
uses this Coolidge yardstick, then the relations between eco-
nomic freedom and political freedom are pretty accurately
stated. Except, that in this instance also the accuracy and the
blessings resulting therefrom hold true only for those whom
Coolidge looks upon as the people, a small proportion, the ex-
ploiters, of the great mass of the population of this country.

We wonder how much private initiative the workers in the
Ford factories, the workers who are treated as automatons,
the workers in the steel mills, the workers evicted from the
Ohio coal pits, the miners shot down in the hills of Colorado
really have. Of course, Mr. Morgan, Mr. Rockefeller, Mr.
Schwab, Mr. Mellon, Mr. Hoover, Mr. Coolidge, these rep-
resentatives of the people, do have private initiative. All their
initiative is developed at the expense of the welfare of the
great mass of the population, the great mass of workers and
farmers who are today being ruled by the mightiest capitalist
oligarchy that has ever been reared.

Let us take a few examples to see how this theory of private
initiative has worked for the biggest capitalist interests of the
country. The so-called builders of the continent, were pre-
sented by the government with tremendous areas of land which
today are capitalized as railroad property. This land capital-
ization now serves as a further base enabling the railroad
barons to rob the workers and pile up billions of dollars in
interest and dividend payments. Thru Federal and Texas
grants the railway barons of this country were given 312,000
square miles without one cent of payment. This territory is
■ an area bigger than the six New England states, the five North
Atlantic states, three South Atlantic states and the District
of Columbia combined. The land given away for nothing
to the railroad capitalists is 137,000 square miles more than
the area of Turkey, 50,000 square miles more than the area
of the whole Japanese empire, nearly 200,000 square miles
bigger than Italy and 100,000 square miles in excess of the
area of Germany or France before the war.

6 THE COOLIDGE PROGRAM

Certainly this is private initiative. Certainly this is human
welfare. Certainly this is a great country for them — for the
railroad capitalists and the class which they represent. Mr.
Coolidge told the truth about their human welfare.

Besides boasting about what the Government has done for
the railroad magnates, Mr. Coolidge went into extreme praise
of the present tariff system. As a result of the present tariff,
praised by Coolidge, the capitalist class of this country receives
an annual tribute of $6,000,000,000. The present tariff
system aims to reduce the economic power of the farmers, the
smallest capitalists and particularly the workers. The Ford-
ney-McCumber tariff aims to enhance the economic power of
the biggest capitalist interests of the country like the Mellons,
the Schwabs, the Hoovers, the Rockefellers and their like.

And talking about private initiative and the people owning
the government, Mr. Coolidge forgot to mention the splendid
initiative developed by his close friends and class associates,
William J. Burns, the labor hating jury crook, Sinclair the
notorious oil thief, and Fall, erstwhile member of Coolidge's
cabinet and world-infamous grafter.

WHO OWNS AMERICA?

Mr. Coolidge also spoke about the wide distribution of
wealth in this country. This is a great illusion. This is
plain propaganda handed out by the big capitalist news agen-
cies and their economic experts. Some of this propaganda
comes in the form of stories that there is a wide-spread dis-
tribution of stocks and wholesale ownership of shares in big
corporations. The facts, of course, belie these statements and
show the real purpose of the self-styled economic experts and
prove the non-existent wealth of the workers. Bourgeois
professors have repeatedly told us that there are from ten to
fifteen million stockholders in the United States. This is
fancy but false figuring. There are less than 2^4 million
stockholders in this country. Five per cent, or 120,000 of
these stockholders, secure more than fifty per cent of the
dividends accruing from the ownership of these stocks.

Furthermore, the stocks sold to workers of all grades, to
employes of all categories, inclusive of managers, foremen,

THE COOLIDGE PROGRAM 7

technicians, etc., in the last 35 years have today a total value
of $700,000,000. Only 269,239 employes of all grades of
13 of the largest corporations in the United States control
stocks having the value of $425,000,000 out of this $700,-
000,000 total value of the stocks sold to employes in nearly
half a century. Add to these facts, the latest findings of the
Federal Trade Commission regarding the distribution of
wealth. Less than 25% of the people of this country own
more than 90% of the wealth of this country. Eight big
banks of New York control the biggest railroad and coal cor-
porations.

Let us look at another side of the great prosperity for the
working masses of the United States. It is true that com-
pared with the standard of living in the war-torn European
countries, the American workers, as a class, have a higher
standard of living. It is likewise true that the upper crust of
the American workers, several millions of the labor aristoc-
racy, are occupying today a privileged position within the labor
aristocracy of the whole world. This is due entirely to a
temporary situation — the position of extreme dominance in
which American imperialism finds itself today.

Even so loyal and well-known a servant of the American
capitalists as Professor Irving Fisher of Yale University was
compelled to declare the other day that our masses are not
prosperous. According to the latest findings of this ultra-
conservative capitalist economist 93,000,000 of our people
make little, if any, more than their expenses - y have an average
annual income of only five hundred dollars, and at best have
only enough to keep themselves above the "bottom level of
health and decency." This is the prosperity our working class
has under capitalist democracy in the United States.

ANOTHER SIDE OF THE PICTURE OF THE UNITED STATES

But what conditions do we find for the mass of workers at
large? First of all, in no country in the world are the work-
ers exploited so intensely. In no country do the workers
become old so quickly. Then in no country are scientific man-
agement, speed-up schemes, industrial espionage and other

8

THE COOLIDGE PROGRAM

efficiency methods to enslave and crush the workers, so exten-
sively employed.

Secondly, the myth of general high wages must be ex-
ploded once and for all. According to the United States
Department of Labor's last report, many millions of workers
are getting only $10.34 a week as wages. Lumber workers
are paid $17.17 a week on the average of 57;J/2 hours work.
At least 200,000 railroad laborers are averaging only $17
weekly. Thousands upon thousands of machine shop laborers
are averaging $11.78 a week. Scores of thousands of bitum-
inous mine laborers are receiving $10,34 a week. Blast fur-
nace men get $24.34 weekly. Foundry laborers secure only
$25.25 a week, and large numbers of men in the most pros-
perous motor vehicle factories are making $28.73 a week. On
this basis some ten to twenty million persons, inclusive of
women and children, are receiving a pittance and an insignifi-
cant share of the wealth produced by them for the country.
Even in "normal" times one out of every six of our work-
ers is unemployed. In periods of unemployment, such as we
are now entering, the number of jobless is increased by hun-
dreds of thousands and even millions.

And while we are speaking of workers' conditions, we must
not forget the situation in the coal fields. We must not blot
out of our consciousness the fact that in Western Pennsyl-
vania and Ohio, in the main coal strike area today, there are
nearly three-quarters of a million of members of the working
class, members of families of the United Mine Workers of
America, who are today suffering from the worst excesses of
industrial feudalism that this country has seen. We must not
overlook the workers who have been maimed and shot down
in cold blood in the hills of Colorado. It is certainly a pain-
fully significant commentary on American prosperity that at
the very moment when the President of the country boasts
about the zenith of prosperity, workers are being shot down in
Colorado and evicted and jailed in Pennsylvania and Ohio for
striking for a near living wage.

America, with all its efficiency, with all its high develop-
ment of industrial technique, with its powerful system of
finance, still has nearly 60% of its workers compelled to

THE COOLIDGE PROGRAM 9

grind away more than 48 hours a week for their employers.

In the face of these indisputable facts, Mr. Coolidge told
his multi-millionaire listeners at the Philadelphia Union
League Club dinner, that America can be proud of "its liberal
rate of wages, unprecedented distribution of wealth and its
high standard of living." No wonder that the strike-breaking
ex-Governor Sproul of Pennsylvania in presenting a gold
medal to President Coolidge said; "I wanted you to see what
these worth-while people think of you."

America's peace and freedom

Certainly Mr. Coolidge had enough brazenness to dare to
tell, at this time, the country that:

"At present our land is the abiding- place of peace, universal freedom
and undoubted loyalty, holding the regard of all the world as a mighty
power, stable, secure, respected. The people are prosperous, the stand-
ards of social justice were never so high, the rights of the individual
never so extensively protected."

Mr. Coolidge is trying hard to give us the impression that
all is well in the land. It is very well indeed for the class
Mr. Coolidge and the Republican Party represent. It is not
for the Coolidges to think of the jailed and dying men and
women in the coal fields of Colorado. It is only for the
Coolidges to turn a deaf ear to the pleas of even the most
conservative, even the blackest reactionary trade union leaders
to remedy the plight of the evicted coal miners of Ohio, the
clubbed and exploited coal diggers of Western Pennsylvania
and the injunction-ridden mass of workers of the New York
subways. For Mr. Coolidge, Mr. Mellon, Mr. Dawes, Mr.
Hoover, and the whole Executive Committee of the capitalist
class, social justice and injunctions are synonymous. Pros-
perity and a $10-a-week wage for millions of workers are
identical. The right to the pursuit of life, liberty and happi-
ness and the jailing of scores of the workers' leaders in
Colorado and the most militant workers in Western Pennsyl-
vania, is one and the same thing.

Great justice, indeed, do we have in this country! Look at
the brutal murder of Sacco and Vanzetti by capitalist
justice — dispensers of Mr. Coolidge's own state of Massachu-

10

THE COOLIDGE PROGRAM

setts in the face of protest and despite the belief in their inno-
cence by scores of millions of the masses in this country and
thruout the world.

PROSPERITY MUST CONTINUE FOR THE AMERICAN

IMPERIALISTS

President Coolidge let the world know that he means real
business. We must keep in mind that he is the spokesman of
the capitalist class, the veritable dynamo of the steering com-
mittee, the machine recording its master's voice. Mr. Cool-
idge informed the world that the present conditions must con-
tinue in America. All the world knows that the basis of
American so-called prosperity, the basis of American domina-
tion of the world market and appropriation of the world's
gold is to be found in its key, in its strategic, position as the
outstanding imperialist power of the world. The President
has spoken in no unmistakable terms to the effect that insofar
as this country is concerned, its ruling class will proceed most
energetically to perpetuate its privileged position abroad as well
as at home and continue the regime of prosperity for the ex-
ploiters of the United States. The President thus displayed
real force in these chosen words:

"On the sea we shall round out our navy with more submarines and
more cruisers, and private ownership should provide us with an auxil-
iary merchant marine of fast cargo boats.

"On land we shall be building up our air forces, especially by
encouraging commercial aviation. We wish to promote peace. We
hold a great treasure 'which must be frotected.

"Our relationship with the vast territories between the Rio Grande
and Cape Horn in a commercial way will become more intimate.
Much of that country could be greatly benefited by lines of aviation,
which we should hasten to assist them to open."

Here we have the entire foreign policy of the American
ruling clique. A big navy; the biggest navy in the world;
the development of commercial aviation — as a step forward
towards the development of supremacy in military and naval
aviation for Uncle Shylock. Peace is to be promoted by the
use of the biggest navy, the biggest aviation fleet and the im-
provement of the army. Latin-America is to be "stabilized"

THE COOLIDGE PROGRAM

11

by the development of aviation so that America's military and
financial overlords can be rushed down in double quick time
to strengthen reaction and crush the progressive forces thru-
out these countries. Mr. Coolidge has pledged himself to
bring true the dream of President Taft that the American
geographical boundaries will sooner rather than later reach
from Alaska to Cape Horn. In a military, political and
financial way this task must be realized quickly. Nicaragua
can now be sure of "stability." Nicaragua can now be sure
that it will have genuine democracy! The proof of it all is
that within the last year the whitest guards, the watch-dogs of
American capitalist democracy, the marines, have murdered in
cold blood over 700 Nicaraguans, defenseless workers and
farmers.

And while Coolidge babbles about the great peace that is
upon us, his doves are much ruffled. The United States is
working overtime preparing chemical, naval, aerial, and mili-
tary death-dealing and hell-pouring devices for the impending
world war. Everywhere the hatred of American imperialism
is rising and is sweeping the capitalist rivals of American
imperialism towards a new test of strength, an infernal im-
perialist holocaust — a devastating world war.

COOLIDGE DENOUNCES COMMUNISM

In summing up his speech, in rounding out his program of
American capitalism, Mr. Coolidge declared:

"Those are some of the economic results which have accrued from the
American principles of reliance upon the initiative and the freedom of
the individual. It is the very antithesis of Communism, but it has raised
the general welfare of the people to a position beyond even the prom-
ises of the extremists.

"Arising from this same principle is popular education, the right to
justice, free speech and free religious worship, all of which we
cherish under the general designation of liberty under the law."

Mr. Coolidge is correct. This is the crux of the question.
The issue is between Communism and capitalism. It took the
Soviet Union five years to teach the imperialist powers that
they cannot overthrow the first Workers' and Farmers' Re-
public by the most powerful military forces. It took the

12

THE COOLIDGE PROGRAM

Soviet Union another five years to teach the imperialist powers
that the socialist economy will be built up within the Soviet
Union despite the hostility and blockades of the imperialist
cliques thruout the world. Mr. Coolidge's speech is an
answer to the establishment of the 7-hour day in the Soviet
Union. It only affords us striking proof of the intense
disappointment in the ranks of even the American exploiters
resulting from the establishment of the 7-hour day in the
Soviet Union. Surely it must be much more harrowing for
the capitalists of the other countries, if it is so disturbing for
the most proud, the most aggressive and virile capitalist class
in the world, the American imperialists, to find that the Soviet
Union, harassed and blockaded by all those who control the
capital of the world today, is proceeding to establish a 7-hour
day.

But let us examine some more of the basic facts to find out
whether Mr. Coolidge's boast has a leg to stand on. Mr.
Coolidge only closed his eyes to the existence of the miserable
slums in the industrial sections of the country. In these slums
millions of the workers live. Mr. Coolidge might have in-
quired from the captain of the aviation corps commanding
the airplanes now used in terrorizing the striking Colorado
miners regarding the amount of free speech the workers are
enjoying there. Mr. Coolidge did not tell us that even the
bourgeois papers which carry strike news have been seized and
suppressed and in the Colorado coal fields because the workers
are to be kept in complete ignorance as to what the masses
outside the coal fields think of the outrages being perpetrated
against them at this moment.

Then, speaking of popular education, why didn't Mr. Cool-
idge tell us what approximately 90% of those engaged in
producing the basic wealth of this country, approximately
90% of 14,000,000 American workers at the looms, in the
machine shops, at the lathes and in the mines do not receive
any education after the elementary school or rather after seven
and a half years of the elementary schooling. When Mr.
Coolidge speaks of popular education he certainly does not
speak of education for the great masses of workers. Consider
the recent remarks of the Dean of Columbia University. This

THE COOLIDGE PROGRAM

Library

University of Texas
Austin, Texas

13

gentleman has said that there are too many people getting
higher education nowadays, getting higher degrees at Colum-
bia University. Apparently the plan of our ruling class in
the interest of popular education a la Coolidge is to pro-
hibit even the insignificant, infinitesimal fraction of the ex-
ploited classes from procuring a higher education.

THE FREEDOM AND WELFARE WE HAVE WITH US

When Coolidge speaks of free religious worship he of
course has in mind the situation in the South where both the
colored workers and the whites are permitted to be members
of the Baptist and Methodist Church, but are not permitted
to enter the same church or participate in the same prayers to
and ceremonies for the God of Wall Street. We have no
illusions about religion and its organization in America. We
know that the church is one of the strongholds of capitalist
reaction in the United States. But even the church is forth-
with squelched when, in cases of extreme rarity, it tries to
utter the faintest word of protest against exceedingly brutal
capitalist terrorism.

Sometimes the bourgeoisie of this country develop a peculiar
sense of humor. We have in mind the injunction issued by
Judge Langham of Pennsylvania, to prevent the coal miners
from going to church for fear that in church they might
receive some food or might speak to other workers about strik-
ing and picketing. This is free religious worship that only
our religion-hungry exploiters can well be proud of,

Mr. Coolidge's boasts about the general welfare of the
masses are likewise empty. Not a word was said by Mr.
Coolidge about thousands of workers, maimed and slaugh-
tered every year in the mines, in the mills and in the factories
in the United States. Not a word was said by the strike-breaker
President about the fact that more workers are wounded
every year in American industry than there were amongst the
American forces in the World War. Every year American
capitalist industry kills at least 35,000 and wounds at least
two and a half million workers while on the job producing
profits for their exploiters. The present industrial accident

539250

14

THE COOLIDGE PROGRAM

rate in the United States is about four times as high as in any
other highly developed capitalist country.

Nor did Mr. Coolidge find it necessary to speak about the
acute depression prevailing in the agricultural sections, the
rising toll of bankruptcies among the farmers. Except for
the years 1915 and 1920, America's agricultural crops were
never as good as they were in 1926-27, yet the total income
of the farmers for this period is more than a half billion less
than in the preceding like period. He did not find it neces-
sary to explain why it is that hundreds of thousands of farm-
ers are deserting the land and fleeing to the city every year.
He did not find it necessary to say a word about the oppression
and degradation of the Negro masses. Finally, in speaking of
the high standing which America has achieved under its capi-
talist regime, Mr. Coolidge found it necessary to keep silent
and thus show his real wisdom by not saying a word about
the ravages of the American marines in Nicaragua, about the
mounting tides of hatred against American imperialism in
Latin-America, regarding the growing resistance to Yankee
imperialist encroachments in Europe, Asia and Africa.

President Coolidge will have to go a long way to show
the blessing of American capitalism for the great masses of
this country. Mr. Coolidge will have to work overtime to
explain why it is that the Soviet Union, after inheriting the
stinking corpse of Czarism, after beating back imperialist
enemies on sixteen fronts, after years of devastating warfare,
after famine, is able to establish the 7-hour day, and that
America, which has gained so much from the World War,
which now controls more than half the gold of the world,
which dominates the markets of the world, which is the
wealthiest country all around, does not establish a 7-hour day
and even denies the workers the right to organize, the right to
freedom of speech, the right of freedom of assembly, the right
to strike and the right to picket.

WHAT COOLIDGE CAN TEACH US

Certain lessons are to be drawn from the President's speech.
The oration before the Union League Club in Philadelphia is
the platform of the dominant, the most powerful capitalist

*

i

THE COOLIDGE PROGRAM

15

interests in the United States. It is on this platform that the
Republican Party will place its candidates in 1928. It is these
keynotes which the President will strike in his forthcoming
message to Congress. It is for the defense of these interests
that the President, his Cabinet and the whole strike-breaking
United States Government machinery will be mobilized in the
coming months when the workers will show signs of energetic
resistance to injunction democracy.

The workers ought to take a leaf out of the book of Cool-
idge and his clique. Coolidge and the capitalist class are mem-
bers of a well organized, efficient political party. The workers
also must build their own political party on a mass scale. The
workers and poor farmers must proceed to declare their com-
plete independence from the capitalist parties. The workers
and exploited farmers must proceed to unite their forces politi-
cally, to form a labor party. Injunctions must be fought
tooth and nail. No quarter must be given to injunction demo-
cracy.

The American workers, because of the intense exploitation
to which they are subject in this country, have been able to
produce tremendous wealth. It is the American workers and
farmers that have produced the wealth of this country. The
time is rotten ripe to take effective steps to reclaim this country
for those to whom it really belongs and to those from whom
it was stolen.

The capitalists in Massachusetts once issued the slogan
"Have Faith in Coolidge." No self-respecting workers, no
liberty-loving exploited farmers, can have any faith in Cool-
idge or in his Party, or in the leaders of his Party, the Hoovers,
the Mellons, the Dawses and the rest of the Wall Street
clique which today is dominating the life of the country thru
its stranglehold on the resources and the industries of the
United States.

We are not frightened by Mr. Coolidge's denunciation of
Communism and defense of capitalism. We welcome his
drawing the lines sharper and clearer for the American work-
ers.

It is now up to the workers to think and to translate their
thoughts into deeds, deeds which will promote their class

I

16

THE COOLIDGE PROGRAM

power, deeds which will hasten the establishment of a genuine,
a workingclass democracy in the United States. To this our
Party is pledged. To this task every member of our party
has consecrated himself. To this task every worker, every
militant, every progressive, every genuine left winger, must
devote all his time, energies, all his resources and all his abili-
ties.

Every working man and working woman who believes in,
and wants to fight for the right to organize; every worker
who is for militant, powerful trade unions, the organization
of the unorganized and is a sworn foe of injunctions; every
workingman who is for a labor party and against capitalist
parties; every worker who has any class pride in himself or
herself and who wants to take immediate effective steps to-
wards developing in this country a genuine working class dem-
ocracy, a workers' and farmers' republic, should unite and join
hands with those who are giving their all for working class
freedom by becoming a member of the Workers (Communist)

Party.

Every self-respecting worker who believes in his class and
is prepared to fight for his class should join the Party of the
most conscious, the most advanced, the best-disciplined and
most militant fighters for the working class— The Workers
(Comunist) Party.

No. 3 Workers Library

READY DECEMBER 15, 1927

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